V 


^ 


n 


e^M\o^  ^j. 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


Photographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  NY.  14580 

(716)  872-4503 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICiVIH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  IVIicroreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


The  institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
copy  which  may  be  bibliographically  unique, 
which  m'ay  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


D 
D 
D 

D 

D 
D 
D 

n 


D 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 

Covers  damaged/ 
Couverture  endommagde 

Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaurde  et/ou  peliiculde 

Cover  title  missing/ 

Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 

Coloured  maps/ 

Cartes  g6ographiques  en  couleur 

Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (:.e.  autre  que  bieue  ou  noire) 

Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 
Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 

Bound  with  other  material/ 
Relid  avec  d'autres  documents 

Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

Lareliure  serrde  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distortion  le  long  de  la  marge  int^rieure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajout6es 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  le  texte, 
mais,  lorsque  cela  6tait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  6t6  filmdes. 

Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  suppl^mentaires: 


L'Institut  a  microfilmd  le  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  6t6  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-dtre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  mdthode  normale  de  filmage 
sont  indiquds  ci-dessous. 


□    Coloured  pages/ 
Pages  de  couleur 

□    Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommagdes 

□    Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Pages  restaurdes  et/ou  pelliculdes 

r^K  Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
[2y}    Pages  d6color6es,  tachetdes  ou  piqu^es 


I      I    Pages  detached/ 


Pages  d6tach6es 

Showthrough/ 
Transparence 

Quality  of  prir 

Quality  in^gale  de  I'impression 

includes  supplementary  materii 
Comprend  du  materiel  suppi^mentaire 


I      I    Showthrough/ 

I      I    Quality  of  print  varies/ 

I      I    includes  supplementary  material/ 


D 
D 


Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Edition  disponible 

Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  M  filmdes  d  nouveau  de  fa9on  d 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  film6  au  taux  de  reduction  indiqu6  ci-dessous. 

10X  14X  18X  22X 


26X 


30X 


12X 


16X 


20X 


^ 


28X 


32X 


The  copy  filmed  here  has  been  reproduced  thanks 
to  the  generosity  of: 

Library  of  Congress 
Photoduplication  Service 

The  images  appearing  here  are  the  best  quality 
possible  considering  the  condition  and  legibility 
of  the  original  copy  and  in  keeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specifications. 


Original  copies  In  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, or  the  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  — ^  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 

Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc..  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


1 

2 

3 

L'exempiaire  film*  fut  reproduit  grSce  d  la 
g6n6ro8it6  de: 

Library  of  Congress 
Photoduplication  Service 

Les  images  suivantes  ont  <§t6  reproduites  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  et 
de  la  nettet*  de  l'exempiaire  film*,  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 

Les  exemplalres  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  Imprim6e  sont  filmds  en  commenqant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  selon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exempl&ires 
originaux  sont  film6s  en  commenpant  par  la 
premidre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
dernidre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbole  — ^  signif ie  "A  SUIVRE  ".  le 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN". 

Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc..  peuvent  Stre 
film6s  d  des  taux  de  reduction  diffdrents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  dtre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clich6.  il  est  filmd  d  partir 
de  Tangle  sup6rieur  gauche,  de  gauche  d  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  ndcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mdthode. 


1 

2 

3 

;■   4 

5 

6 

"'Tiw-ii^jraiifci^T  .iiii  B 


X- 


i^mi 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


The  institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
copy  which  may  be  bibliographically  unique, 
which  m'ay  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


D 
D 
D 

D 

D 
D 
D 

n 


* 


D 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 

Covers  damaged/ 
Couverture  endommagde 

Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaurde  et/ou  peliiculde 

Cover  title  missing/ 

Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 

Coloured  maps/ 

Cartes  g6ographiques  en  couleur 

Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 

Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 
Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 

Bound  with  other  material/ 
Relid  avec  d'autres  documents 

Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

Lareliure  serrde  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distortion  le  long  de  la  marge  int6rieure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajout6es 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  le  texte, 
mais,  lorsque  cela  6tait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  6t6  filmdes. 

Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  suppldmentaires: 


L'Institut  a  microfilmd  le  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  6t6  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-dtre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  mdthode  normale  de  filmage 
sont  indiquds  ci-dessous. 


r~|    Coloured  pages/ 


Pages  de  couleur 

Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommagdes 


□    Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Pages  restaurdes  et/ou  pelliculdes 

r^K  Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
[2y}    Pages  d6color6es,  tachetdes  ou  piqu^es 

□    Pages  detached/ 
Pages  d6tach6es 

Showthrough/ 
Transparence 

Quality  of  prir 

Quality  in^gale  de  I'impression 

includes  supplementary  materii 
Comprend  du  materiel  suppi^mentaire 


I      I    Showthrough/ 

I      I    Quality  of  print  varies/ 

I      I    includes  supplementary  material/ 


D 
D 


Only  edition  available/ 
Seuie  Mition  disponible 

Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  M  filmdes  d  nouveau  de  fapon  d 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  filmd  au  taux  de  rMuction  indiqu6  ci-dessous. 


10X 

14X 

18X 

22X 

26X 

30X 

Y 

12X 


16X 


20X 


28X 


32X 


9 

Sitails 
s  du 
lodifier 
r  une 
Image 


IS 


The  copy  filmed  here  has  been  reproduced  thanks 
to  the  generosity  of: 

Library  of  Congress 
Photoduplication  Service 

The  images  appearing  here  are  the  best  quality 
possible  considering  the  condition  and  legibility 
of  the  original  copy  and  in  keeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specifications. 


Original  copies  In  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, or  the  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  — •►  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 

Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc..  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


L'exemplaire  film*  fut  reproduit  grSce  d  la 
g6n6ro8it6  de: 

Library  of  Congress 
Photoduplication  Service 

Les  images  suivantes  ont  6t6  reproduites  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  et 
de  la  nettet*  de  l'exemplaire  film*,  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 

Les  exemplalres  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprim6e  sont  filmds  en  commenqant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  selon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exempl&ires 
originaux  sont  film6s  en  commenqant  par  la 
premidre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
dernidre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbole  — ►signifie  "A  SUIVRE".  le 
symbole  V  signifie  "FIN". 

Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc..  peuvent  Stre 
filmds  d  des  taux  de  reduction  diffdrents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  dtre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clich6,  il  est  filmd  d  partir 
de  Tangle  sup6rieur  gauche,  de  gauche  d  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas.  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  ndcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  m^thode. 


errata 
to 


I  pelure, 
3n  d 


D 

32X 


1 

2 

3 

t 

2 

3 

5 

6 

^.^-..i^~.^f.1^.^^..A  ^Kk  ^ 


■i*.-;.-.^  •  .-j-.-fiti'^s-fcu.K 


•  DUNS 


II- 


{-  ii^ 


Ut,  I  -Jif^. 


■r). 


'  '7  ■    /- 


C 


Great-Britain 


AND 


A    M    E    R   I    C  ^A, 

A  E^P  R.  ESSED     TO     THE      K      I      N      G, 


AND        BOTH 


HOUSES   of  PARLIAMENT. 


^Th«  Coloniei  of  every  popular,   mixed,  and   free  Goverltnlent,*  , 
l^referving  their  Duty,  have  a  Right  to  be  free.  * 

Mr.  Q.K»vkmt:%  Utter  uth$  £«r/4/^  Hillsborovgh.  < 


.............  Dare  do  all  that  may  become  Men,  A 

Whvdart  do  moire,  are  none. — -.;.......  •  T. 


LONDON:    Priftje'd, 

.    PHILJDELPHU,    Re-Printed  by.  William  and  Thomas 
Brapforp,  «t  the  Lonoon  C^ffbe  House.     MDCCLXiX.> 


-■fi 


•  ^ 


h 


.# 


:oi..c , 


(SUN*  J 


? 


&t^-\ 


0 


^^' 


-* 

i 


* 


U 


11  '   ,     !  •       «  "«•         •    • 


•  •  •  •     ■ 
t  I   •  * 


m^ 


■  mwmmmtm 


iwpi      iiiJMJJU\jP  J'  '*'.«i""M.» 


i-wwMiW 


{ 


\ 


"^m 


C        A        SB  O      jr 

G  R  E  A  T-B  R  I  T  A  I  N 

America. 


TH  E  iWms  of  Great-Britain  and  her  Colonies  are  at 
acrifis.  If  our  jullice  or  our  moderation  diftate  to  us 
the  making  any  conceflions,  they  Ihould  be  made 
whilft  they  can  yet  be  imputed  to  our  moderation  or 
our  juftice.  The  prefent  Seflion  of  Parliament  (hould 
determine  upon  fome  permanent  fyftem  in  this  point.  Great  Bri- 
tain (hould  fix  the  Fretenfions  wkich  fhe  will  never  relinquifh,  ^nd 
the  Colonies  ihould  have  certain  information  of  thofe  claims  which 
they  muft  fubmit  to.  Until  fuch  a  fyftem  be  refolved  upon,  there 
will  be  irrefolution  on  the  one  fide,  and  repugnance  on  the  other; 
and  no  fyftem  caii  be  ftabl?  that  is  not  founded  upon  equity  and 
wifdom. 

It  ts  the  refolutioivof  the  prefent  Miniftry,  itisfaid,  to  impofe 
taxes  upon  the  Colonies,  by  the  authority  of  the  Britifi)  Parliament, 
and  to  cemptl  the  Colonies  to  fubmiffion.  To  examine  the  juftice 
and  the  policy  of  thofe  meafures,  and  to  fuggeft  others,  which  ap- 
pear to  Hie  lelj  exceptionable,  in  each  of  thofe  particulars,  is  my 
objeft. 

The  Colonies,  by  their  refpei^||p  Charters,  have  not  aniform- 
ly  the  fame  privileges,  or  the  fame  conftitution.  But  though  they 
differ  in  many  particulars,  they  are  alike  in  the  following  ;  name- 
ly. That  the  inhabitants  of  every  one  of  them  have  a  rigHt  to  tax 
tbemfclves  by  their  representatives,  in  their  provincial  affemblics  ; 

A  2  »nd 


.  iwttMMM^aiUd^eltMltk 


« 


rtifiiiiWMiiiiiiiri 


(OUHtil 


c 


] 


that  none  of  them  vote  for  rr prefentatives  in  the  Britilh  Parliament ; 
and  that  all  of  them  are  to  enjoy   the  freedom  of  Britilh    fubjefts. 
In  vhcfearch  for  argument  i  againft  the  Americans,  the  validity  of 
tho(c  charters  has  not  pafled  unqueftioncd.     I  (hall  fay,    however, 
but  a  little  in  their  fupport,  as  the   attacks  have  beeu  very  weak 
and  very  few.     From  the  earlieft  times   down  to  the  prefent,  the 
difpofition  of  foreign  territory  belonging  to   Great-Britain  has  al- 
ways been  verted  in  the  Executive.     It  is  a  power  which  the  Re- 
ftoration  and  the  Revolution  have  'eft  uhfhaken.     From  the  ceflion 
of  Tangier  to  that  of  GuaJaloupe,  how   frequently  has  it  been 
cxcrcifed?  And  in  the  particulai  inllance  of  Gibraltar,  it  was  ne- 
ceflary  to  pafs  a  law  to  reftrain  it.     *  If  then  the  Crown,  at  the 
time  when  it  granted  the  charters,  could  have  ceded   the  territory 
ofAmerica  to  a  foreign  power,  could  it  not  have  fixed  the  terms  on 
which  its  prefent  and  future  inhabitants  ihould  continue  the  fuJb- 
jeAs  of  Great- Britain  ?  Where  it  could  have  relinquilhed  a// the 
authority  poffeflTed  by  Great- Britain,  certainly  it  could  rclinquiih  a 
part  of  that  authority.     Where  it  could  make  a  total  alitnation  to 
enemies  even,  furely  it  could  make  a  modified  grant  to  fuh^efts. 
But  fuppofe  that  the  Crown  had  not  been  legally  pofleOed  of  that 
power,  is  there  not  a  term  after  which  uninterrupted  polTeflion 
confers  a  right  ?  H^e  not   the  Colonics  poflfefled   their  charters 
much  longer  than  that  term  f  Have  they  not  dedicated  their  lives 
and  fortunes  to  the  improvement  of  that  country,  from  a  depcnd- 
ance  upon  the  validity  of  their  title  ?  Have  not  the  Britifh  Parlia.- 
inent  feen  and  acquiefced  in  their  doing  fo  ?  Has  not  Great-Bri- 
tain,  in  her  exclufive  trade,    received  a  valuable  confideraticn  ? 
Surely  then  it  would  be  monftrous  injuftice  to  deprive  them  of 
rights  fo  purchafed  and  fo  confirmed.     It  has  alfo  been  ur^ed  by 
fome,  tl»t  the  Parliament  can  rivokt  thefe  charters  when  it  ftall 
jhink  proper  ;  for  that  it  can  take  away  from  any  city  or  corporate 
town,  in  England,  its  charter,  notwithrtanding  any  length  of  time 
it  may  have  enjoined  it.     I  anfwer,  that  if  an  Engli(h  city  or  cor- 
porate town  had  fo  purchafed  their  charter,  as  the  Colonifts  have 
purchafed  theirs,  and  had  fo  long  poflfefled  it,  it  would  be  unjuft 
in  the  Parliament  to  refcind  or  violate  it.     But  the  comparifon  is 
totally   unfair  ;  for  the  charter  of  an  Englifti  city  or  corporate 
tpwn,  and  thofeofthe  Colonies,  befides.other  material  differences, 
have  this  eflential  one,  that  the  former  give  a  Right  of  reprcfenta- 
tion  in  the  Britilh  Parliament   and   that  the  latter  do  not.     If 
therefore  the  charter  of  a  Britilh  city  or  borough  be  refcinded  by 
Parliament,  it  is  refcinded  in  an  aflembly  which  is  the  reprefen- 
Utive  of  that  city  -or  borough.     Where  a  part  of  England  only  it 
concerned,  the  legiflature  of  England  may  claim  unlimited  power, 
as  a  body  to  which  all  the  righttpf  Englilhmen.are  made  over  and 
entrufied.     But  the  charters  ofWmerica  are  agreements  made  be- 
tween England  on  the  one  part,  and  the  Colonies  on   the  other, 

•  At  profentitis  unalienaVk  from  Great-Biitain. 


if 


i1l(<Wtlilll>lllli'*« 


immt 


e  Britilh  Parliament } 
I  of  BritilTi    fubjeftj. 
cans,  the  validity  of 
(hall  fay,    however, 
have  been  very  weak 
\  to  the  prefent,  the 
jreat-Britain  has  a1- 
lower  which  the  Re- 
in.    From  the  ceflion 
equently  has  it  been 
Gibraltar,  it  was  ne- 
cn  the  Crown,  at  the 
e  ceded   the  territory 
ve  fixed  the  terms  on 
Id  continue  the  fob* 
relinquifhed  all  the 
Y  it  could  relinquifh  a 
:e  a  total  alienation  to 
•ftd grant  to  fuhjefts. 
;ally  pofleii'ed  of  that 
ninterrupted  pofTcflion 
oflfefled   their  charters 
)t  dedicated  their  lives 
ntry,  from  a  depend- 
not  the  Britifh  Parlia.- 
?  Has  not  Great-Bri- 
aluable  confideraticn  ? 
:e  to  deprive  them  of 
as  alfo  been  urved  by 
barters  when  it  (hall 
n  any  city  or  corporate 
ling  any  length  of  time 
in  E^ngli(h  city  or  cor- 
as  theColonifts  have 
it,  it  would  be  unjuft 
3ut  the  comparifon  is 
li(h  city  or  corporate 
ler  material  differences, 
a  Right  of  reprefenta- 
the  latter  do  not.     If 
rough  be  refcinded  by 
which  is  the  reprefen- 
art  of  England  only  is 
:iaim  unlimited  power, 
nen.are  made  over  and 
agreements  made  be- 
Colonies  on   the  other, 
The 

Great-Biitain. 


.y^mm.rr-^n.-mmmmmmi  -i^ii^'HMgu'iwiipiiiH/ -- mw)iiM'iw"i»«*ywr 


r 


] 


The  Houfe  of  Commonsof  F.n  gland  is  the  rrprcfe nt.-»tive  of  one  of 
the  contraainp  parties  only,  namely  England  ;  and  therefore 
cannot  aft  for  both.  They  have  none  of  them  any  (hare  in  eleft- 
ing  it;  it  car.not  therefore  legiQate  for  them.  Itis  a  party,  and 
cannot  thcietore  be  a  judge.  "^    ' 

The  opponents  of  the  Americans  admit,  thatthey  arc  intitled  to 
the    privileges  of  Britilh   ("ubjefti  ;    that   they  are  a  free  people. 
Could  we  determine  what  thefe  privileges  are,  and  what  this  free- 
dom, the  dilpute  would  be  at  an  end.    The  American  aflcrts,  that 
he  is  deprived  of  the  moft   eflential    privilege  of  a  Briton,  and  a 
freeman,  if  the  colony  to  which  he  belongs  can  be    taxed  by  an 
aifembly  in  which  it  is  not  reprefented.     '1  he  advotate  for  admi- 
niflration,  anfwers,  that  there  are  many  natives  of  Great-Britnin 
herfelf  who  are  not  reprefented  ;  for  that  there  are  many  who  have 
not  votes  in  the  choice  of  reprefentatives,  and  that    the  CoIoniiU 
have  no  caufe  to  complain,  when  they  are  in  the  fame  condition  as 
many  of  the  natives  ot  Great-Britain.     Would  a  Colony  pretend  to 
a  better  conllitution  than  the  mother  country,  from   wlience   (he 
derives  it  i  As  this  argument  has  been  trequemly  repeated,    I  fup- 
pofe  it  to  be  a  tavouritc  one  with  adminiftration ;  and  as  itis   the 
only  method  that  has  been  tried  to  reconcile   their   aflertion,  that 
•'  the  Britilh  Parliament  has  a  right  to   tax  the  Colonies,"    with 
their  conceflions,  that  the  ColonilTs  have  the  privileges  of  Britons, 
and  are  a  free  people  ;    let  us  liften  to  an   American    pleading  hit 
own  caufe,  in  anfwer  to  this  argument ;   "  1  do  not  claim  a  better 
•'  conllitution  than  my  mother  country  :  you  have  niifrep'^elei.ted 
««  my  claims.     I  have  faid  that  4iigh'  of  fuffrage  in  the  choice   of 
•'  our  reprefentatives  is  the  moft  ^ntial  of  Bntilh  privileges ;  but 
«'  1  have  not  faid,  that  every  Briton  enjoys  that  Right ;    nor   do   I 
•'  require  that  every  Colonift  Ihould  enjoy  it.     There   are  many 
•'  Britons  who  have  no  vote  in  the  election  of  the  Houfe  of  Coni- 
M  mons,    fo  are   there  many  Colonifts  who  have  no  vote  in  the 
«•  eleftion  of  our  ^roi/;»«'<j/ reprefentatives  ;  alledge,  if  you  will, 
♦•  that  in  being  taxed  by  your  Parliament,   you  arc   taxed  by   an 
"  imperfea  reprefentative  ;  in  being  taxed  by  oar  provincial  aflerrir 
•'  blies,  we  are  taxed  by  a  reprefentative  «j  imp«"r. 'ftd.     tJur  free- 
••  dom  therefore,  in  point  of  taxation,  when  v       rj  taxed  by  our 
"  iivn  aifemblies,  is  not  greater  than  yours ;  it  is  o:ly  equal  to  it } 
♦«  our  conftitution  is  an  image  of  yours.     But  if  we  are  to  be  taxed 
•  «  by  your  Parliament,  our  conftitution  no  longer  refembles  yours,  • 
••  and  our  freedom  is  annihilated.     If  there  bo  many  Britons  who 
"  have  not  a  vote  in  the  choice  of  their  reprefentatives,    tliere   are 
•'  alfo  many  that  /.•a've.     The  poffelTion  of  a  40  /.   freehold,  iu 
"  Britain,  confers  the  privilege  of  a  vote  :  the    poii(  flion  of   tlie 
"  whole   continent  of  America,  docs   not  confer  that  piivilege. 
"  Do  you  not  know  the  infinite  dift'eience  between  a  nation  where 
"  all  have  net  the  power  of  voting  for  theii  repreientativcs,  a.  a  a 
f  nation  where  nc/:(  have  that  [-ower  r  'ILc  foiiiiciis  jntr  condi- 


ii^jn. 


•OMMM 


JJ«iiHI|MJHUi"  >    ' 


[ 


1 


« 
<i 
M 
<< 
it 
<c 
« 
<< 

4( 
(< 
t< 
<> 
<< 
l< 
<f 
<l 

« 
« 


lion,  and  thereforeyouarc  a, free  people;    the  former   is  whit 
we  claim;  the  latter  is  the  condition  of  flaves,  and  that  is  what 
you  offer.     We  claim  the  rip.ht  ot  lufFrage,  as  the  privileges  of 
Briton.,  and  you  tell  uf  we  have  it,  becaufc  we  are    ike  thole 
Britons  who  have  it  not  !  We  claim  the  fame  conlhtution  a« 
Great-Britain,  and  you  offer  us  only  Khc  dtfta  of  that  conftitu- 
tion,  but  deny  U3  its  ad'uaniagis.     England   cannot  be  taxed  . 
but  by  an  affem-  Iv,  where  her  land  is  reprefertted  by  Knight*, 
her  monied  inteieft  by  Citizens  and  Burgeffes.  and  therefore  Ihe 
is  a  free  nation.     Is  then  America  on  a  par  with  England,  m 
point  of  Freedom?    If  (he  can  be  taxed  by  an  Affembly,  to 
which  her  freeholders  fend   «»  Knights,  and  her  cities  w  Liti- 
zeps.  You  iay  that  your  right  of  fuffrage  is  partially  diftnbutcd, 
in  Britain  ;  give  us  then  aright  of  fuffrage  a,  partially  d>flr»but. 
ed   in  America.     For  this  reprefentation,  partial  and  imper- 
fedl  as  you  call  it,  your  Magna  Chai  us  have  ^been  demanded, 
your  patriot,  have  bled,  and  yourmonarchs  have  beendethron- 
cd.    Was  this  for  nothing  ?  yet  this  you  deny  to  the  Amen- 
cans,  though  you  fay  to  us,   Ye  have  the  privileges  of  Bntons, 

"  But  there  is  yet  another  defeft  in  your  argument.     For  it  is 
not  true  that  we  are  in  a,  good  a  condition  as  thofe  Britons  whom 
you  call  unreprefented,  and  who  are  not  eleftors :   for  even  th^ 
have  this  great  advantage,   thai  both  the  reprefentative  and  the 
eledors  pay  apart  of  the  tax,  aa  well  as  thofe  who  have  no  fuf- 
fraee:    whereas  if  the  Houfe  of  Commons  of  England  ftiould 
tax  the  Americans,   neither  the  repreientatives  nor  the  eleftors 
would  pay  any  proportion  of  what  they  impofed  upon  us ;  they 
would  noi  tax,   but  u»ta*  ihemfelves.     The  condition  therefore 
of  an  Englishman  rtho  has  no  fuffrage,  when  laxed  by  the  Bri- 
ti(h  IceinaiL-re,  and  of  an  American  taxed  by  the  fame  autho- 
rity, are  totally  diffimilar.     Place  them  in  fituations  which  bear 
afiy  fimilitude,  and  it  will  (hew  in  the  ftrongell  light,  the  in- 
juitice  of  the  prcfent  meafnres.     Suppofe  then  that  the  Parlia- 
ment of  Britain  Ihould  impofe  a  tax,  from   which  ihemfelves 
and  thofe  who  voted  for  them  Ihould  be  exempted,  and  which 
(hould  be  paid  entirely  by  thofe  who  had  no  fuffrages;   this 
would  bear/flflw  refemblance  to  their  taxing  the  Americans  } 
and  would  noi  this  be   unparalleled  injnftice  .?  But  if  even  this 
(unjua  as  you  mult  efteem  it)  were  the  praflicc  of  your  Parlia- 
ment, the  condition  of  anon- voting  Englilhman  would  flill  be 
infinitely  prefe.able    to  curs  ;   for  even  fuch  a  tax  as  J  have 
ftated,   would  fall  upon  the  relations,  the  friends,  ijie  depend- 
ants, t',.e  leriants,    the  ftianufaiturers,   the  labourers  of  Briiifli 
leei.'Uiora.     1  he  Icgiflator  would  teel  its  effeas,  almoft  inllan- 
taneo.Ttly,  he  would  find  hisown  inierelt  imracdniiely  concerii- 
ed  ;    he  wou'd  therefore  ufe  fomc  moderation.     Befidct»4:he    is 
an  e.e  witneiG  of  their  ccadiiion,  he  can  judge  of  ihcir  abilui?s, 
lit  c«:,  'M  wcu:;Jcd  ;.t  the  lighi  ci  ihcir  dilbclies.     I-ut   he  c:.n- 

•'  noi 


Uttfim 


ljH»lliMHpi|W»Wf.if.» 


mmmm 


the  former  is  whit 
9,  and  that  is  what 
as  the  privileges  of 
;  we  are  like  thofe 
fame  conlUtution  a( 
fea  of  that  conftitu- 
d  cannot  be  taxed 
efertted  by  Knights, 
es,  and  therefore  (he 
ir  with  Ergland,  in 
by  an  Affcmbty.  to 
ind  her  cities  no  Citi- 
I  partially  diftributed, 
M  partially  dillribut- 
partial  and  imper- 
ive  been  demanded^ 
IS  have  been  dethron- 
deny  to  the  Ameri- 
irivileges  of  Britons," 

argument.     For  it  is 
IS  thofe  Britons  whom 
leftors :   for  even  thty 
eprefentative  and  the 
ofe  who  have  no  fuf- 
s  of  Encrland  (hould 
lives  nor'^the  clcdlors 
pofed  upon  us ;  they 
he  condition  therefore 
hen  taxeil  by  the  Bri- 
l  by  the  fame  autho- 
fituations  which  bear 
ongeft  light,  the  in- 
then  that  the  Parlia- 
)m  which  themfelves 
exempted,  and  which 
iid  no  fuffrages;   this 
ixing  the  Americans } 
ice  ?  But  if  even  this 
adlicc  of  your  Parlia- 
rlilhman  would  flill  be 
fuch   a  tax  as  J  have 
friends,  the  depend- 
le  labourers  of  Britifh 
effefls,  almoft  inllan- 
imracdiiitely  concern- 
uion.     Befide«»4ihe    is 
judge  of  ihcir  abilities, 
ilbciies.     But    he  cnn- 


[ 


1 


not  fee  our  miiery,  he  cannot  judge  of  our  abilities  ;  and  hit 
tenants  and  his  manufa£luiers  will  feel  the  immediatt  etl'cds  of 
our  ruin,  not  in  their  dillrefs,  but  in  their  exoneration.  If 
therefore  the  legiflatute  of  Britain  (hould  adopt  fuch  afyltem  of 
unparalleled  injutUce,  with  refpeft  to  the  non-voting  inhabi- 
tants of  Britain,  yet,  even  the  fuftcrt  rs  by,  and  the  objefts  of 
that  injuftice,  would  be  happy,  in  compaiifon  oi  us.  buppofc, 
fora  moment,  if  you  can  bear  the  thought,  fuppofc  for  a  mo- 
ment, that  your  Houfe  of  Commons  were  not  elerted  by  you, 
that  they  were  an  hereditary  body,  in  no  wife  indebted  to  your 
choice ;  would  you  not  he  an  cnllaved  and  an  unhappy  people  : 
but  even  then  you  would  be  happier  than  we  are.  A  body  of 
500  men,  fituated  in  the  midft  offeven  millions,  and  taxing 
thofe  feven  millions,  would  furely  be  more  bound  to  modera- 
tion, by  tear,  if  not  by  principle,  than  the  lame  body,  aflilled 
and  fupported  by  tliofe  feven  millions,  in  taxing  two  millions 
who  are  at  a  diflance.  To  opprefs,  in  one  inltance,  would  at 
leaft  be  infamy,  if  it  would  not  be  punilhment  ;  in  the  other 
they  might   find  it  popularity,  they  might  thinlc  it  patriotifm. 

Mr.  P- tt  faid,  (if  I  millake  ntc)  that  every  man  in  Kngland 

could  huzza  at  an  eledlion  :  even  that  method  of  exprefiing 
one's  wiihes  is  fonie  latisfaflion,  and  has  fome  influence;  the 
ftioutings  of  the  people  have  had  great  effedis;  and  the  very 
murmurs  of  Englilhmen,  had  perhaps  more  (hare  in  the  repeal 
of  the  (lamp-a£l,  than  the  united  voice  of  America.  kVc  cannot 
even  huxx.  at  a  Biitilh  election  ! 

"  The  right  of  prefenting  petitions  to  parliament  was  deemed 

of  fo  much  importance,  that  it  was  inferred  in  the  Bill  of  Rights. 

In  this  fundamental  right,  the  bulwark  againd  parliamentary  op- 

preflion,  as  well  as  every  other,  under  what  difadvantages  (hould 

'  we  labour,  if  you  were  to  make  laws  for  u^  ?    How  different  is 

'  the  effedl  of  a  petition  prefented  by  the  hands  of  the  injured, 

'  enforced  by  their  alfiduity,    and  recommended  by  their  tear*, 

'  from  that  of  our  paper-reprefentations  ?   They  are  fubjeft  to  be 

'  mifreprefented  in  a  thoufdnd  ways. 

«'  Thby  come  cold,  and  you  do  not  feel  them;  often  too  late, 
'  and  you  cannot  comply  with  them  ;  and  what  was  done  by  you 
'  through  inattention  and  millake,  muft  be  maintained  for  dignity; 
'  in  a  word,  they  do  not  (Irike  home,  cither  upon  your  caution 
'  or  your  kindnefs,  your  atFedions  or  your  fears,     in  this  parti- 

•  cular,  the  very  women  and  children  of  England,  have  an  in- 
'  fluence  upon  parliament,  of  which  the  Americans  are  detUtute. 
'  How  different  is  your  lot  from  ours !    In  the  charader  of  an 

•  Americas,  to  the  people  of  England  I  fpeak.  Your  frequ'.-nt 
'  eleflipns  are  a  valuable  privilege  to  you;  what  privilege  are 
'  they  t6*us  ?   At  the  clofe  of  a  parliament,    you  expedl  popular 

meafures,  from  the  fears  and  the  hopes  of  your  reprefentatives. 

"  Eut 


•ii 


—      wifiiWiapiBiy 


f       «       1 


«•  But  who  will  find  it  his  intereft  to  be  a  friend  to  Amfrica'  They 
'•  will  wilh  to  gain  the  favour  of  their  countrymen,  and  therefore 
•«  will  biirt'icu  America,   in  order  to  dilhurtlven  England.     What 
•'  10  you  is  a  valuable  privili-ge,  will  be  to  ui  a  fource  of  repeated 
'•  opprcflion.     We  are  woiie  even   than  your  Papifts.     In  being 
"  excluded  from   the  right  of  fufFrage,  they  are  like  us ;    and  as 
••  they  pay  double  land-tax,  in  that  adiitianal  payment  the  refem- 
"  blance  continues  ;    f  )r  it  is  a  tax  inipofed  b^  men  whom  they 
•'  had  no  (hare  in  cUaing,  and  it  is  a  tax  which  thofe  who  im- 
«•  pofe  it  do  not  pay.     But  this  difability  in  point  of  fufFrage,  and 
••  this  aMtitnal  payment,  are  penalties  inflifted  on  your  Papifts ; 
•«  and  why  i  Allegiance  at  by  law  required  is  a  quality  eflential  to 
••  being  a  fubjed.     Your  Papilh   are  defeftive  in  that  quality. 
"  They  are  confidcred  as  not  completely  fubjefts,  and,  as  fuch, 
««  penalties  arc  inflifted  on  them.     Your  only  juftification  for  in- 
»'  fliaing  thefe  penalties  on  them,   is  that  you  doubt  their  being 
••  iubjetts.     Your  only  pretence  for  inflifting  the  fame  penalties 
••  on  us,  i»  that  we  are  fubjefts.     Samt  penalties,  did  I  fay,  nay 
worfe  ;    for  as  they  are  inflifted  on  ui,  without  offence,    we 


u 


tree  nimteir  rrom  mis  uuauuuy,  «««  uu.  «"mu.v  >.».»-..  .   --. 
■•  we  cannot  free  ourfelves  from  this  mifery,  but  by  ceanng  to  be 
«•  Americans.     Befides,  in  every  other  cafe,  except  that  additiotj 
•«  of  land-tax,   your  Papifts  are  in  as  good  a  fituation  as  any  of 
"  the  reft  of  your  inhabittnts  who  have  not  votes :    but  in  evtrj 
*«  tax  you  lay  upon  us,  we  are  in  as  bad  a  fituation  as  your  Papifts 
•«  are  in  that  one.     Befides,  your  Papifts  arc  conncfted  with  their 
"  legiflators,  by  relationfhip,  friendlhip,  neighbourhood,  or  de- 
•«  pendance.    Their  poiTeffions  too  are  Britilh,  and  they  muft  nav« 
"  influence,  tho'  they  have  not  votes.    And  the  great  right  of 
«•  petitioning,  they  pofTefs,    with  all  its  advantages,    and  can  en- 
"  force  their  petitions  by  their  prefence,    their  affidoity,    their 
"  numbers,  and  their  tears.    In  how  much  worfe  a  fituaaon  uo 
"  we  than  your  Papifts,    whom  for  their  obftinacy  in  an  unconfti.  - 
«  tutional  and  perfecuting  religion,  you  have  made  the  Otttcafts 
••  of  legiflation.     What  then  is  the  freedom,  and  what  are  thofe 
•«  Britilii  privileges,  to  which  you  confefs  we  are  «htitled  ?  What 
««  arc  thofe  rights  which  we  have  pofrefTed  above  an   hundred 
"  years,  which  we  derived  from  folemn  compaft,  which  we  have 
••  purchafed  by  an  unlhaken  allegiance,  and  by  the  profits  of  our 

"  trade?" 

In  this  reply,  which  I  have  put  into  the  mouth  of  a  Colonift,  I 
have  examined,  pretty  minutely,  the  real  extent  of  American  li- 
berty, under  the  prefent  meafures.  I  have  (hewn  the  diffimUariti 
of  their  condition  to  our  own,  and  to  that  of  a  free  people.  I  (hall 
now  ftiew  the  fimiiarity  of  their  condition  to  that  of  thofe  nations 
whom  we  call  flaves.     The  author  of  the  Letter  to  Lord  HilWbo- 

rough, 


to  America'  Tlicy 
ymcn,  and  therrforc 
•n  England.     What 
a  fource  of  repeated 
ir  PapiAi.     In  being 
are  like  us ;    and  as 
payment  the  refem- 
Dv  men  whom  they 
hich  thofe  who  im- 
K>int  of  fuArage,  and 
^ed  on  your  Papilh  ; 
a  quality  efTentia!  to 
£live  in  that  quality. 
jbjeAs,  and,  aa  Aich, 
y  jullification  for  in- 
you  doubt  their  being 
ng  the  fame  penalties 
laTties,  did  I  fay,  nay 
without  offence,    v/t 
xempt  ourfelves  from 
ning  a  Proteftant,  caa 
double  taxation  :   but 
but  by  ceafing  to  be 
,  except  that  addition 
d  a  fituation  as  any  of 
ot  votes :    but  in  evtnf 
ituation  as  your  Papiih 
re  connected  with  their 
leighbourhood,  or  de« 
Ih,  and  they  mull  havA 
nd  the  great  right  of 
vantages,    and  can  en- 
their  affiduity,    their 
h  worfe  a  fituation  are 
bftinacy  in  an  uncon(lt« 
lave  made  the  outcafti 
m,  and  what  are  thofe 
we  are  «htilled  ?  What 
fed  above  an  hundred 
>mpaA,  which  we  have 
id  by  the  profits  of  our 


mouth  of  a  Colonift,  I 
extent  of  American  li- 
e  fliewn  the  difftmHariit 
>f  a  free  people.  I  fhall 
to  that  of  thofe  nations 
Letter  to  Lord  Hillfbo. 
rough, 


^ABia^a^ifi^iiiiluviiMtmm^ 


I  Jill  vf  pail   ■III  i^p^vw^^^r' 


[ 


I 


roujjh,  fays,    "  LIbcrtas  recipit  magis  ct  minus,    that  there  are 
degrees  of  freedom."     I  allow  it.      In  what  docs  pirfcd  political 
liberty  confill  ?  Some  authors  (icline  it  to  be,   "  the  power  of  Jo- 
iiiir  what  the  laws  permit."     If  I  do  not  niillakc  the  mcanin^^  of 
this  ilcfiiiition,    it  is  clearly  erroneous.     To  do  what  tiic  l.iws  of 
Turkey  permit,  certainly  is  not  liberty.     Perfed  political  lil)Lrty 
confills  rather,- -in  the  not  being  I'ubjei^  to  any  laws,  but  fuch  as 
we  have  confeiitcd  to  by  ourfelves,    or  by  our  repielent.itives.     It* 
Britain  is  but  imperfertly  reprefentetl,  it  has  but  an  impcrf'ed  ircc- 
dom.     But  confidering  the  impcrfeftion  of  every  thing  human,  it 
may  well   boall  of  the  excellence  of  its  conftiiution.     Thcic  arc 
other  nations,  the  lives  and  fortunes  of  wiiol'e  inhabit.ints  are  de- 
pendant upon  the  will  of  fome  perfon  wiiom  they  do  not  eled,  :uul 
whom  they  cannot  remove  ;    or  upon  fome   other  country,  in  the 
goverilment   of  which  they  have    no  (hare,   France,  Spain,  and 
Turkey  are  inflances  of  the  firlt ;  Corfica,  while  it  was   under  the 
yoke  of  Genoa,  of  the  fccond.    All  fuch  governments  are  abfolutc 
Or  defpotic,  and  the  people  fubjc£t  to  them  we  call  enflaved.     Be- 
tween their  fituation  and  our  own,  there  are  indeed  many  degrees. 
But  I  defy  the  author  of  the  letter  to  Lord  Hililborough,   to  Ihcw, 
that  any  of  thofe  degrees  would  be  enjoyed  by  the  Americans,    if 
meafures  Ihould  be  carried  to  the  extremes  which  we  now  hear  of. 
I  do  not  fay  that  there  is  net  a  medium,  between  a  good  contUtu- 
tion,  and  fimplc  defpotifm  ;    but   I  fay  the  Americans  would  not 
pojfe/s  that  medium.     He  objefts  to   the  advocates  for  America, 
their  aflerting,  "  That  if  dependance  be  enforced  in  any  the  leafl 
degree,  the  Colonics  are  nave.<i."    Let  him  not  objeft  it  to  me  ; 
my  afTertion  is   that  they  are  flaves,    if  the   Britilh  Parliament  af- 
fumes  unlimitted  power  over  them,  in  evety  particular  ■u.'hat/oe'ver. 
If  a  people  can  be  deprived  of  their  lives  and  their  property,  by 
another  perfon,    or  another  nation,    is  it  not  evident  that  fuch  a 
people  is  not  free  ?    whether  it  be  by  a  nation,  or  by  a  monarch, 
is  not  material.     The  mailers  indeed  are  different,  but  the^oi'^ra- 
*nent  is  equally  defpotic     The   Helots  of  Sparta  were  as  much 
flaves,    as  the  fubjeds  of  the  Grand  Signi&r.      Now  1  defy  any 
perfon  to  mention  one  fingle  power,  which  the  Spartan  Republic 
afTumed  over  the  Helots,  which  England  does  not  afl'ume  over  her 
Colonies.    I  would  not  infinuatc  tliat  Great- Britain  wi'l  not  govern 
with  greater  humanity  :    but  if  her  power  be  mildly  adininillercd, 
!»« ill  indeed  be  a  milJtr  defpotifm,  but  it  will  not  therefore   be 
ihe  lift  a  defpotifm.     Should  we  thus  addrefs  ourfelves  to  a  colony 
of  France  or  Spain  :    You  live  under  an  abfolute  government  j 
transfer  your  allegiance  to  us,  and  you  fhall  enjoy  thofe  privileges 
which  Great-Britain  uifFuf'es  through  all  her  dominions.     Might  it 
Jiot  anfwer  us  in  thefe  words ;    "  1  am  not  bui  thened  with  taxes  m 
iiear  fo  great  a  proporticn  as  your  Colonills,    but  I  would  confcnt 
to  pay  more  than  I  do,  if  I  were  to  enjoy  a  greater  degree  of  free- 
dom.    What  then  are  thofe  privileges  which  you  ofier  to  me  ?  We 
might  fay  to  them,    Oae  of  the  principal  privileges  fhail  be  this, 

'8  that 


g.  inM^iifWiiiwiik  iiirnfrt.  ■^i.M  <rai  I II .iiiMfc-i  y)iiiiiiM»ife'3iJ«ifiA»i^te8iaftii.^fe^tu.i:.Viin'fc ■ii>**>wii«Nrt<iilMBMW|iiiiMiiirtlMM 


louKal 


■PNOTPIIPPVIP' 


it 


[       8       ] 

that  you  fhall  not  be  taxed,  except  by  your  own  rcprelentatives, 
or  elfe  by  the  parliament  of  Britain.  Might  they  not  then  reply 
to  us  ?  1  find  then  that  my  rcprefentatives  ar<;  not  t  -  »  e  a  part  of 
that  Britifli  Parliament  which  is  to  tax  mc  ;  were  :  fubjed  to  the 
abfolutc  dominion  of  an  aflembly  elefted  by  the  provinces  and 
cities  in  France,  (hould  I  be  one  whit  more  free,  than  in  being 
fubica  to  the  abfolute  dominion  of  its  monarch  ?  When  you  Jpokc 
to  me  of  privileges,  1  imagined  that  you  meant  that  right  of^  fuf- 
frage,  which  is  the  boaft  of  the  Britifh  conttitution.  You  give  it 
to  me  indeed,  in  one  place,  but  you  will  tax  me  in  a  place  where 
you  will  not  give  it  to  me.  When  our  own  Sovereign  has  taxed 
his  fubjeas  as  much  as  he  thinks  proper,  he  will  fcarcely  refufe 
them  the  onvilegc  of  taxing  themfelves  again,  in  any  manner  they 
p'eafe.  If  you  can  demonttrate  to  me  that  our  monarch  aflumej 
one  fingle  power  over  us,  which  you  do  not  affume  over  your  co- 
lonies,  1  will  hearken  to  vour  propofals,  but  if  you  cannot,  your 
govenment  is  as  arbitrary  as  that  of  France,  wc  arc  lefs  taxed, 
and  as  free  as  your  Colonies. 

Having  examined  the  real  condition  of  the  Colonifts,  under 
the  prefcnt  fuppofed  meafures,  with  as  much  attention  as  I  am 
capable  of,  1  can  find  in  it  no  circumftance,  which  fliould  prevent 
my  afTertiug  that  they  would  be  as  deftitute  of  freedom,  as  any 
ration  ever  was,  or  ever  can  be  :  now  whatever  thofe  rights  and 
privileges  may  confift  in,  which  confefledly  belong  to  the  Ameri- 
cans, they  certainly  do  not  confift  \ajlavety,  which  is  the  want  of 
every  right,  and  the  deprivation  of  every  privilege. 

I  HAVE  fhewn  that  the  comparifon  between  the  Americans  and 
thofe  Britons  who  have  no  fufFrages,  is  falfe  ;  and  that  if  it  were 
true,  it  would  not  be  argumentative.  I  have  fliewn  what  the  free- 
dom of  the  Americans  does  not  confift  in,  and  I  will  now  endea- 
vour  to  fhew  what  are  thOfe  privileges  which  for  our  own  fakes  wc 
muft  allow  them.  I  cannot  help  obferving  in  this  place,  that 
every  one  who  has  written  againft  them,  has  confined  his  endea- 
vours to  the  proving  which  of  the  Britiih  privileges  they  ought  not 
to  poffefs ;  but  not  one  of  them  has  mentioned  thofe  privileges 
which  they  ought  to  enjoy.  It  is  a  little  fufpicious  that  thofe  au- 
thors whofe  profefl  defign  is  to  convince  and  to  conciliate  the  Co- 
lonifts, have  never  once  enumerated  thofe  advantages  which  they 
arc  ftill  to  enjoy  under  parliamentary  government.  Surely  nothing 
would  be  fo  likely  to  pacify  them,  as  a  recital  of  the  bleffings 
which  are  ftill  to  remain  to  them. 

But  lo  return;  in  order  that  the  Americans  (hould  enjoy  Britiih 
freedom,  it  is  not  fufficient  that  they  ftiould  adopt  that  part  onif 
of  our  conftitution,  which  departs  from  the  principles  ot  Britiih  li- 
berty. They  muft  poflefs  that  part  which  is  excellent,  as  well  a* 
that  part  which  is  ilefccliiTC,  or  their  liberty  is  not  an  image  of 
■^  ,    "  ours. 


■ML  v't^mnmb»»^'Wf"* 


iwn  rcprelentativei, 
they  not  then  reply 
not  f  ■  *  e  a  part  of 
/ere  :  fubjeft  to  the 

the  provinces  and 
free,  than  in  being 
,  ?  When  you  <pokc 
It  that  right  of^fuf- 
ation.  You  give  it 
ne  in  a  place  where 
3vereign   has  taxed 

will  fcarccly  refufe 
in  any  manner  they 
ur  monarch  aflumes 
.flume  over  your  co- 
if you  cannot,    your 

we  are  lefs  taxed, 


he  Colonifts,  under 
1  attention  as  I  am 
vhich  fliould  prevent 
of  freedom,  as  any 
ver  thofe  rights  and 
)elong  to  the  Amen- 
which  is  the  want  of 
ilcgc. 

n  the  Americans  and 
and  that  if  it  were 
fliewn  what  the  free- 
i  I  will  now  endea- 
for  our  own  fakes  wc 
g  in  this  place,  that 
s  confined  his  endea- 
ileges  they  ought ««/ 
oned  thofe  privileges 
icious  that  thofe  au- 
to conciliate  the  Co- 
Ivantages  which  they 
lent.  Surely  nothing 
cital  of  the  bleffings 

IS  (hould  enjoy  Britiih 
d  adopt  that  part  only 
rinciples  of  Britiih  h- 
excellent,  as  well  a} 
[y  u  not  an  image  of 


[ 


1 


ours.  It  is  not  therefore  fufficient  that  in  American  lanu-hoWer  • 
fljouid  be  on  a  par  with  a  Briton  who  has  no  landed  prnpci  tv,  or 
with  a  Britiih  Papift.  But  that  an  American /w/'o/Vr  (hould  liave 
the  fame  power  over  his  oj  n  property,  as  a  Bruijh  freeholder  has 
over  hit  oiun.  If  any  man  (hall  objeft  to  me,  that  1  have  placed 
the  Colonifts  in  a  fituation  tno  equal  to  their  mother-country  ;  I  ar- 
fwer  him,  that  I  have  done  fo,  only  with  refpeft  to  their  ov.n 
wifted  and  acquired  property  •  ;  and  that  Americans  have  as  much 
right  to  the  property  of  America,  when  once  acquired  and  njeJteJ, 
as  Britons  have  to  the  property  of  Great  .Driiain. 

In  order  that  taxation  and  reprefentaiion  may  not  be  united  in 
America,  the  adverfaries  6i  America  deny  that  they  were  united  in 
Britain.     And  attempts  have  been  made  to  produce  inftances  of 
their  difunion,  taken  from  different  periods  of  the  Biitidi  conltitu-    ^ 
tion-     It  is  not  material  to  my  caufe,  to  examine  whether  ihofe 
attempts  have  fuccceded.     If  America  be  entitled  to  Englilh  privi- 
leges, the  Englilh  conftitution,  (he  is  entitled  to  that  conftitution, 
as  it  ftood  at  the  time  when  the  colonies  were  planted.     She  is  not 
to  have  the  conftitution  that  exiftcd  in  the  time  of  William  the 
Conqueror,  or  of  the  Saxon  heptarchies,  or  of  the  Roman  govern- 
ment.    If  England  communicated  to  America  her  conlhtution  and 
her  privileges,  we  communicated  them  fuch  as  (he  herfelt  at  that 
time  enjoyed.     It  was  the  conftitution  of  England  at  that  period, 
that  every  man  poflelFed  of  40  s.   a  year,  by  that  free  tenure  which 
we  call  a  freehold,  ftiould  have  a  vote  in  elefting  a  member  of  that 
aflembly  which  alone  could  tax  his  properly  ;  befides  certain  per- 
fons  inverted  with  privileges  in  cities  and  boroughs.     1""*" 
and  is  the  bulwark  of  Englilh  liberty  ;   without  this  we  (hould  be 
(laves.     This  then  is  the  conlHtution  which  is  communi  ated  to 
America  :   let  not  therefore  hr  property  be  taxed,  except   in  aa 
aflembly  to  which  her  freeholders  and   eledors  fend  a  reprefenta- 
tive.  In  the  Saxon  conftitution,  the  privilege  of  voting  was   dif- 
fufed  much  more  univerfally  ;  it  belonged  to   all  who   held   by  a 
free  tenure  ;  that  is,  to  all  ihe/uiieas  ot  England  ;  for  thofe  who 
hold  by  other  tenures  were  not  ("ubjeas,  but  vilani,  or  flaves.     So 
entire  was  the  union  at  that  time,  between  reprefentaiion  and  tax- 
ation :  but  to  this  conftitution  the  Colonifts  have  no  pretenfion,  as 
it  was  not  the  conftitution  of  England  at  the  time  of  their  eftablifli-  . 
ment.     By  the  Stliof  Hen.  VI.    the  right  of  voting  was  conlined 
to  fuch  freeholders  as  had  40  s.  a  year,  and  thus  the  more  opulent , 
freeholders  weie  entrufted  with  the  rights  of  a'lihe  reft.     It  ap- 

^ -L-.  u i„.,.i  u..  .u:.  ^ko.^rra  UtA  / . .  1/1  l-jnHs  of  reprc- 

and  the 
B  z  Houfe 


freeholders  weie  entrufted  witli  the  ngnts  ot  a  .ijne  reit. 
pears  to  me  that  England  by  this  change  had  /  wo  kinds  ol 
fentatives.     The  riclier  frceliolders  reprefented  the   others, 


•  The  Americans  mi.ft  velinquifti  many  rights  of  property  ;  that 
is,  many  rights  ot  acuirifis  property  ;  toi  they  mult  be  lubjtct  to 
Britiih  navigation  laws,  anil  trade-reguiations  :  but  rhe  n^^ut  ot 
^r,j/,(rw^  property  alicKly  acquired  and  veiled,  Ihouid  be  (aucd. 
1  hii  IhJuU  be  Uieir*  late  «iid  entire. 


>rii»y<<>>lfa^Jlii^^il^.ife'".*-^-^' 


1 


ft. 
I 


I \i 


[        10        ] 

Houfe  of  Commons  reprefented  them.    Thus  the  opulent  freehol- 
ders  were   refrc/entatLs  of  ehaion  c°pft""'^'^  ^j    he.r  cucurn- 
ftanccs  ;    and    the    knights    were  reprefentan'ves  'V'^'-^"    "'  % 
pointed  by  fnffrage.     If  there  be  any  juftice  in   this  epmion.  a U 
fheM.i  of  England  were  either  aftually  or  virtually   reprefen  - 
Id^  But  if  there  be  not,  and  if  it  be  admitted  that  England  was 
and  is  partially  reprefented— Give  a  reprefentation  as  partial  to 
herColonies.     ifBritain  be  imperleaiy  repefented    Ihe  has  but  aj 
i^perfe.!  freedom  ;  but  if  the  Colonies  have  "V'^JSimi^on 
have  no  freedom  at  all.     If  Britain  has  »»/  the  kjl  con  htution, 
which  human  invention  could  have  fuggcfted  ;  is  it  a  realpn   that 
America  (hould  have  the  wcr/?  ? 

In   the  memorable  conteft  with   the   H *  °^  ^^      'H 

about  the  right  of  originating  taxes,  theC "f  "'S^,^  ""^r. 

great  force  their  cxclufive  righc  to  that  privilege.      1  hey  thought 
it  unreafonable,  even  that  any  part  of  the  taxes  (hould  be  encrealed 
or  diminilhed,  or  that  the  rates  Ihould  be  examined  by  thef — rs. 
«  whofe  proportion  in  all  taxes,  in  companfon  to  what  the  com- 
monalty pay;  is  very  inconfiderable."    I  believe  the  fame  affembly 
think  thefe  words  to  contain  good  fenfe  at  this  day  ;  and  it  js  un- 
*    doubtedly  very  reafonable,  that  thofc  who  give  the  moll,  (hould 
have  the  greatell  (hare  in  modelling  the  gift.    Such  were  the  max- 
ims  that  were  formerly  adopted  by  that  great   aflembly,  and  fuch 
were  the  reafonings  on  which  their  greatell  privilege  is  eftablilhed. 
Why  thendo  they  »ow  think  it  reafonable,  that  thofe  who  pay  not 
&n  Lonjiaeraile,  but   «.  proportion,  lliould  not  only  originate   a 
tax.  butpafsit  into  a  law     Compare  the  fprit  of  their  former 
maxims,  with  that  of  their  prefent.     "  It  is  unjuft  in  you.  my 
•'    L      -  ds,  to  iegin  a  taxation,  of  which  you  pay  only  a  fmall  pro- 
portion."   Yet  we  will  impo/e  a  tax  upon  America,  of  which  we 

pay  no  proportion  at  all.     "  It  is  unjuft  that  you,  myL- ds, 

ihould  even  originate  a  tax  upon  men,  of  whom  you  are  but  the 
Icffer  number,  though  the  reft  m»y  afterwards  refufe  it  if  they 
pleafe."  But  is  it  juft  for  us  to  enad  a  tax-law  for  the  Colonifts, 
which  they  ftiall  not  have  a  power  to  refufe,  although  we  are  not 
any  part  of  them  ?  "  The  right  of  propofmg  taxes  belongs  to  us 
as  reprefentatives  ot  the  people  who  pay  them,  and  yet  we  will  tax 
a  people  of  whom  we  are  not  reprefentatives."  Bills  of  iupply  are 
looked  upon,  not  only  as  laws,  but  as  free  gifts ;  and,  on  account 
of  this  ditFerence  in  their  natures,  they  are  fubjedl  to  different 
forms.  The  lords  cannot  originate  them,  although  they  alfo  arc 
legijlators.  And  it  is  not  the  royal  a^ent,  which  is  given,  but  the 
joyA\  thanks.  The  9th  of  Henry  7  th,  enafts,  that  the  King  Ihail 
//!»a«ii  both  Lords  and  Commons;    but  if  our   Parliament  fliall  tax 

the  Colonifts,  to  whom  are  the  r 1  thanks  to  be  addrefled  ? 

Is  he  to  thank  his  Britijh  fubjefts  for  giving  him  the  property  cf 
tlie  Colcnijis?    Is  he  to  thunk  the  Englifli,  for  money  which  they 


-Hi'Mt.r":T-:'"::. t'?''-""''^^" .-'  "■"■""■"•""■'■'" 


tf^gy .■;%'■■?  w^"qf  - 


he  opulent  freehol- 
ed  by  their  circum- 
les  of  kgijlaiion,  ap- 
jn  this  opinion,  all 
virtually  reprefent- 
d  that  England  was 
tation  as  partial  to 
ented,  (he  has  but  aq 
)  reprefentation,  they 
he  hiji  conftitution, 
;  is  it  a  realbn   that 


-e  of  P- 


-rs 


ns  urged  with 

ege.      I  hey  thought 
s  ftiould  be  encreafed 
imined  by  theP — rs, 
311  to  what  the  com- 
eve  the  fame  aflembly 
s  day  ;  and  it  Is  un- 
rive  the  nioll,  Ihould 
Such  were  the  max- 
:  aflembly,  and  fuch 
iriyilege  iseftablifhed. 
hat  thofe  who  pay  not 
not  only  originate  a 
fpirit  of  their  former 
:  IS  unjuft  in  you,  my 
pay  only  a  fmall  pro- 
America,  of  which  we 

lat  you,  myL ds, 

lom  you  are  but  the 
/ards  refufe  it  if  they 
law  for  the  Colonics, 
although  we  are  not 
ing  taxes  belongs  to  us 
]i,  and  yet  we  will  tax 
."  Bills  of  i'upply  are 
rifcs ;  and,  on  account 
e  fubjedl  to  different 
although  they  alfo  arc 
lich  is  given,  but  the 
s,  that  the  King  Ihail 
r  Parliament  fliall  tax 
lanks  to  be  addrefled  ? 
ig  him  the  property  of 
for  money  which  they 
do 


I      ..      ] 

do  no,  pay,  or  the  Americans,  for  a  free  gift,  wrcftcd  from  them 
againil  their  will  ?  Which  ot  theft- mockciics  would  be  moft  un- 
worthy the  great  fcene  on  which  thty  are  to  be  adlcd  ? 

Much  declamation  has  been  ufed,  on  both  fides.     The  F.nglilh 
fpeak  of  the  blood  and  trcafurc  they  have  expended.     The  Ame- 
ricans, that  they  have  encountered  an  iiihofpitable  climate  for   the 
purpofes  of  Great- Britain,  and  have  dedicated  th^ir  lives  and  for- 
tunes, to  her  fervice.     There  is  no  weight  in  any  of  thefe  decla- 
mations.    Whatever  was  done  by  either  of  them,  was   done  for 
their  own  advanuge.     If  Britain  has   protedled   the  property  of 
America,  it  does  not  couditute   her  the   owner  of  tliat  property. 
She  has,  for  her  own  fake,  proteded  in  their  turns,   almod   every 
country  in  Europe,  but  that  does  not  make  her  the  proprietor   of 
thofe  countries,  ot  give  her  a  power  of  tax4tii>n   over  them.     If 
America,  in  purfuing  her  own  inteiert,  has   advantaged   Britain, 
we  owe  her  no  obligation.     Whilll  we  each    poflefs  thofe  bencfiti 
for  which  we  expended  our  trcafure,  and  for  whii.h   they  encoun- 
tered that  climate,  we  owe  nothing  to  each  other    but   reciprocal 
affeclion.     To  extend  their  commerce,  our   anceftors  encouraged 
the  emigration  of  Biitifii  fubjedts.     Their  indullry  abroad   was 
thought  more  advantageous,  than   their  reftdence  in  Britain.     As 
an  inducement  to  forego  thofe  privileges  which   they  pod'elfed,  or 
Plight  acauire  at  home,  it  was  agreed   that   they    fliouid   carry 
Englifli  privileges  along  with  them.     And   as  an  inducement  to 
become  the  carriers,  and  the  labourers  of  England,  they  were   en- 
dowed with   a  defart  territory,  ufeful    only  by    the  indullry  they 
fhould   bellow  upon  it,  and  this  was  given  to  them,    as   their 
•wages.     Let  not  a  compaft,  founded  in  our  intereft,  puchafed  by 
their  labour,  and  confirmed  by  time,  fuller  any  violation.     Let  us 
be  content  with  our  commercial  advantages,  and  thofe  luperiorities 
which   they  willingly  fubmit   to.     Let  us   make  them  labour  for 
ps ;  but  let  us  not  take  from  them  their  zuages,  alfo. 

Having  confidered  the  juflice  of  the  prefent  meafures;  let  us 
now  examine  their  policy  ;  and  in  this  examination,  let  our  fenti- 
inents  of  equity  forget  to  operate.  Let  us  forget  that  they  have 
rights,  or  that  we  have  humanity.  Let  us  fuppoie  ourfelves  en- 
tering into  an  agreement,  with  a  free  and  a  confiderabU  people,  and 
fettling  the  terms  of  an  everlafting  union.  Or  it  any  one  ihould 
be  of  opinion,  that  neither  of  thefe  circumftances  is  applicable  to 
the  Colonies ;  let  us  fuppofe  them  in  their  numbers  inconfiderable, 
unaccuftomed  to  liberty,  overawed  by  fear,  or  humiliated  by  coii- 
quert,  and  ready  to  receive  any  conftitution,  we  pleale  to  impofe 
upon  them.  In  fuch  a  fituation,  what  rcflcftions  fliould  our  own 
intereft  fuggeft  to  us  ?  Though  this  people  be  weak,  at  prefent, 
their  ftrength  and  their  numbers  may  increafe  f  ;  though  we  our- 

feives 

f  It  is  whimficil  that  Mr.  Canning  mentions   the  pK.'b.iliie    in- 
ciesie  of  the  Americans,  ai  ail  argument   tor  nic^Unes,    iluit   mult 
C2(a)per.ite  them. 
LofC. 


in 


felves  are  ftrong,  our  ftrength  may  decline ;  though  their  fpirit  it 
depreffed.  it  may  rcrive.    They  are  placed  at  a  great  diftance 
from  us.     V     have  formidable  enemies      Their  affeftions  there- 
fore,  are  of  >  j  utmoft  importance,  and  there  w  no  method  lo  cer- 
tain of  fecuring  their  affeftions,  as  the   making  it  their  tnterefi  to 
be  our  friends.     We  ourfelves  have  a  free  conftitution  :    it  we 
jrrant  liberty  to  them,  they  will  be  fteady  to  us,  becaufc  they  can- 
not  change  for  the  better ;  if  we  affume  unlimited  and  abfolute  au- 
thority,  tTiey  will  wi(h  to  change,  becaufe  they  cannot  change  tor 
the  worfe.     The  tyranny  of  a  defpotic  commonwealth  is  inhniteiy 
worf.  than  that  of  a  defpotic  prince.     Bui  it  is  vain  to  endeavour 
todective  them;  though  they  never  have  tafted  hberty,  they  will 
foon  become  acquainted  with  its  nature.     They  w'll  perceive  th« 
mifery  of  their  fituation,  by  the  happinefs  of  eurs.     While  their  gar- 
rifons  are  filled  with  our  foldiers,  their  harbours  with  our  fleets. 
and  their  employments  with  officers  of  our  appointment,   and 
ivhile  they  derive  from  us  a  degree  of  freedom,  we  (hall  be  Icturc, 
i)oth  by  our  own  power,  and  by  their  affeftions.    They  are  weak, 
by  their  circumftances,  let  us  not  make  them  ftrong,  by  their  del- 
vair      The  gradual  increafe  of  numbers  and  of  opulence,  may  add 
io  their  force,  but  that  force  will  fleep,  unlefs  it  be  awakened  by 
injury  ;  and  while  we  retain  an  abfolute  power  over  their  *rade. 
that  very  increafe  will  depend  upon  our  regulations.    Whilft  they 
•re  happy  under  our  government,  their  ftrength  and  their  opulence 
will  be  ftrength  and  opulence  to  us;  but,  if  we  opprefs  them,  they 
will  be  our  weaknefs.  and  our  danger.     The  numbers  of  a  people 
are  not  fo  formidable,  as  their  union,  their  hatred,  their  Jury.     It 
there  ever  fliould  come  a  time  when  they  ftiall  be  able  to  (hake  off 
our  fovereignty.  it  will  pafs  unheeded,  bv  a  grateful  and  happy 
people.     But  if  our  dominion  be  founded  only  in  ««r  ftrength,  it 
Viir  fubfift  no  longer  than  thtir  weaknefs.     It  is  therefore  evident 
that  we  ftiall  hol(J  America,  by  a  better  fecurity,  if  we  do  noten- 
flave  it.     But  will  it  afford  us  as  much  prefent  emolument  ?   1  his 
furely  is  a  confideration,  much  inferior  to  the  other ;    it  may  have 
more  weight  with  a  ftiort-Iived  and  a  ftiort-fighted  adnuniftration  ; 
but  can  never  have  fo  much  with  a  thinking  nation.     Yet  let  even 
this  be  confidered;  we  know  that  this  nation  has  paid  confiderabic 
taxes,  without  any  compulfion  ;  and  we  know  that  free  nation* 
can  fupport  greater  burdens,  than  nations  equally  opulent,  that  ai^ 
enflaved.    No  power,  no  management,  has  ever  fucceeded  to  tax 
the  latter,  as  highly  as  the  firft;  and  the  efforts  of  defpotifm  have 
produced  only  depopulation  or  rebellion.    Thus  it  is  by  no  means 
certain,  mat  even  our  prefent  emoluments  would  be  the  lets,  it  we 
extort  nothing  from  them  againft   their  own  confent   .     Beiidcs. 
with  how  much  lefs  expence  can  we  fccure  the  ahegiance  ot  tho 
willing,  than  of  the  unwUling.     Amongft  the  firft,  a  militia  would 

•  In  the  hft  war  they  incurred  a  debt  of  i,6oo,ocol.    Would  they 
have  done  ilns,  for  an  oppiell'ur  ? 


iiftMJ!t»iiiiM<'ajw,''i..' ji..«**»i»''*»w^  iryiiwi ' 


agh  their  fpiritli 

a  great  dillance 
r  affeftions  there- 
no  method  fo  cer- 
t  it  their  interefi  to 
jnftitution  :    if  wo 

becaufc  they  can- 
id  and  abfolute  au- 
cannot  change  fof 
wealth  is  infinitely 

vain  to  endeavour 

liberty,  they  will 
^  will  perceive  th« 
,  While  their  gar- 
iirs  with  our  fleets, 
appointment,   and 

we  (hall  be  fcturc, 
.  They  are  weak, 
Irong,  by  their  def- 
opuTence,  may  add 
it  be  awakened  by 
tr  over  their  trade, 
tions.  Whilft  they 
\  and  their  opulence 
;  opprefs  them,  they 
numbers  of  a  people 
;red,  their  fury.  If 
be  able  toihakeoiF 

grateful  and  happy 
■ly  in  tur  ftrength,  it 
13  therefore  evident 
ty,  if  we  do  not  en- 
:  emolument  ?  Thi» 
jther;  it  may  have 
hted  adminiftration ; 
ation.  Yet  let  even 
las  paid  confiderable 
low  that  free  nation* 
allv  opulent,  thatai^ 
iver  fuccceded  to  tax 
rts  of  defpotifm  have 
husit  is  by  no  means 
uld  be  thelefs,  if  we 

confent*.     Befidcs. 
the  allegiance  of  the 
I  firft,  a  militia  would 
be 

oo,ocol.    Would  they 


f  'we^^'^nr^^  -'  w  11 


■aaa  ^^■•"^■^*j^**'»Tg?* 


t      13     ] 

be  ferviceablc;  amongft  the  latter,  ;•  would  be  formidable  to  onr* 
fei/es.  Let  us  alfo  conlider  with  how  much  greater  cagernefs  our 
manufaftures  will  be  purchafed,  by  a  grateful,  than  by  an  exa(^ 
perated  people.  We  are  now  at  peace  with  the  world ;  the  moft 
rigorous  meafures  may  fucceed,  for  the  prefcnt ;  butfuch  meafurc* 
are  not  the  moft  eiigible  in  themfelves,  when  conducive  neither  to 
prefent  advantage,  nor  future  fecurity.  The  greateft  man  of  his 
age  has  told  us,  that  two  millions  of  fellow  fubjefts,  deprived  of 
their  liberty,  would  be  fit  inftruments  to  make  flaves  of  the  reft. 
Surely  there  is  juftice  in  his  obfervation  ;  thofe  whom  we  reduce  to 
fiavery,  cannot  wilh  well  to  o\a  fruivn.  Let  us  alfo  confider  that 
without  affuming  that  defpotic  authority,  which  is  intolerable  to 
human  nature,  we  may  yet  retain  a  power  amazingly  extenfive. 
A  power  over  the  commerce  of  a  nation,  aflPefts  the  merchant,  the 
landholder,  and  the  manufafturer.  Though  we  cannot  dive  into 
their  purfes,  to  wreft  from  them  what  they  have  ahtady  acquired, 
we  can  prevent  their  futurt  acquifitions.  Nay,  we  can  do 
more ;  we  can  make  what  they  poffefs  already,  lefs  valuable  by  its 
ftagnation.  Though  the  power  of  granting,  belongs  folely  to 
themfelves,  they  will  yet  have  but  little  power  to  re/i^t.  Let  this 
content  us :  that  the  fea,  the  comnion  benefit  of  mankind,  may 
be  denied  them,  that  the  labour  of  their  hands,  the  ftrength  and 
the  ingunuity  which  nature  has  beftowed  upon  them,  (hall  be  con- 
verted to  our  purpofes ;  but,  for  our  own  fakes,  let  ut  not  dif- 
courage  that  induftry  which  is  to  benefit  ourfelves :  what  we  per- 
mit them  to  acquire,  let  that  be  their  own. 

Thus,  on  every  prefcnt,    and  every   future  confideration,   I 
ftiould  think  myfelf  an  enemy  to  Great-Britain,  ftiould  I    propofe 
to  give  worfe  terms  to  a  people  unendeared  by  former  conneflions,  , 
unacquainted  with  liberty,  and  dettitute   of  any  claim  upon   our- 
juftice,  than  thofe  which  are  demanded  for  our  fellow  fuhjeat.   But 
it  muft  not  therefore  be  forgotten,  that  they  have  long   been   our 
friends  and  brothers ;  and  that  another  fyftem  cannot  be  eftablilh- 
ed,  without  a  violation  of  national  faith,  a  departure  from  our 
juitice,  and,  at  one  time  perhaps,    the  ftiedding  of  their  blood. 
We  fliould  be  well  affured  of  the  reftitude  of  our  caufe,  we  ftiould 
advance  to  the  utmoft  limits  of  negotiation,    before  we  draw  the 
fword,  agjunft  our  brothers.     We  ftiall  prevail,  with  certainty,  in- 
deed, but  we  may  not  prevail,  without  a  conteft.     And  though 
the  force  of  terror  only,  may  give  temporary  eftabliftiment  to   our 
authority,  the  fword  and  the  executioner onl/,  muft  maintain   it. 
From  men  deprived  of  every  thing  that  they  hold  moft  dear,    and 
deprived  of  it  by  their  friends,  what  may  not  be  expefted  ?    Any 
thing  ftiould  be  expefted,  except  their  fubmiflion.    What  then  are 
the  ultimate  objefts  of  the  moft  oppreffive  laws,  and,  moft   fangui- 
nary  councils .'  Will  they  reftore  us  to  that  brotherly   afFeilion, 
which  infufed  the  fame  foul  into  every  part  of  our  empire,  or  pro- 
cure us  an  certain  quiet,  a  difaffeftcd  fubmiflion  ?   Let  France  ex- 

peft  . 


1 


•  auN4 


!^<! 


[      H      ] 

pea/ud  a  fubmiffion,  from  Corfica ;  by  Our  fupinenefs  fiie  wilt 
obtain  it ,  and  ihe  may  well  be  contented  with  it.     She  is  accuf- 
tomed  to  govern  by  fear ;  and  over  a  people  where  heretofore  ihe 
had  not  authority,  even  that  im  uence  will   become  acquifition. 
But  neither  her  numerous  armies,  nor  her  mighty   power,  nor  her 
vicinity  to  that  devoted  ifland,  nor  the  paucity  ot  its   inhabitants, 
can  infure  to  her  a  quiet  and  an  ufeful  poflefllon,    while  fhe  finds 
an  enemy  in  the  hearts  of  the  people.     But  by  us,  if  poffible,  (till 
lefs  is  to  be  expcdled:  with  lefs  difproportioned  force,  we  may  en- 
counter a  more  roottd  antipathy.     The   Corficans  never   tafted 
freedom,  under  a  French  adminiftration  ;    ihe    has  only  prevented 
their  emancipation  from  the  tyranny  of  Genoa,    and  will    receive 
them  under  a  milder  opprcOion.     But  the  Americans  will  be  </*- 
/r/w^  of  a  liberty  which  they  have  already  poffeffed  many  years, 
under  the  tutelage  of  Great  Britain.     A   more   violent  change,  a 
more  intolerable  perdition.     And  are  thefe  meafures  luifi,  wiiofe 
very  fuccefs  has  but  this  for  their  objea,  and  whofe  failure  is  ruin? 
Are  thefe  the  principles,  by  which  free  men  (hould  govern  free 
men  ?  Is  this  that  invincible  union,  and  that  firm  eftabhlhment, 
by  which  Britain  ftiall  hold  the  Weft  Indies,  in  her  right  hand,  and 
the  Eart,  in  her  left !  Or  is  this  the  wifdom  which  muft  heal  pub- 
lic creditof  athoufand  wounds,  and  fupport  the  weight  of  a  tot- 
tering empire  ?    There  may  come  a   time  when  the   diftreffes  ot 
Greal-Britain  may  require  ihe  utmoft  efforts  of  a  grateful   people, 
and  ourpofterity  may  find,  by  a  fatal  experience,  that   the   Iword 
was  but  an  ill  interpreter  of  charters  ;  and  that  the  charafters  of 
freedom,  will  not  be  lefs  indelible  in  the  breaftsof  the  Americans, 
if  they  be  written  in  the  blood  of  their  foretathers.     What  Ihall  1 
fay  of  thefe  meafures  ?  That  they  are  fo  impolitic,  that  we  (hould 
rejea  them,  though  juftice  did  not  condemn  them  ;  that  thty  are 
fo  unjuft,  that  we  (hould  rejeft  them,  wer«  they  ever  fo  politic. 

These  confideralions  I  have  prefumed  to  dedicate  to  the  great- 
eft  alTembly  in  the  world,  and  to  the  beft  of  princes.  If  they  car- 
ry any  conviaion  along  with  them,  the  confequences  naturally 
follow,  rirlt,  that  we  (hould  leave  the  Americans  to  tax  them- 
felves:  Secondly,  that  we  (hould  retain  to  the  Britilh  Parliament^ 
every  power  that  is  not  inconfiftent  with  our  juftice  and  their  li- 
berty :  That  a  law  (hould  be  paiTed,  immediately,  repealing  every 
aa,  that  taxes  the  Colonies.  I  do  not  propofe  that  it  ftiould  con- 
tain any  counter-declarations,  or  that  the  power  ftiould,  in  termsy 
be  difclaimed.  It  will  be  fufficient  that  they  be  repealed,  and 
that  we  do  not  revive  the  claim.  X  Let  it  be  huued  in  obhvion  ;  let 
i>  hanz  hefween  the  conjiitutiom  of  both  countries,  as  belonging  to  nei- 
ther. Letitbefujpended,  like  the  f'word  of  the  murderer,  in  the  Gre- 
cian  Ian,',  'which  'was  depofitedm  their  temples,  as  unfit  to  be  handled  i 
and  conjecrated,  as  it 'were,  not  fcr  itsm^rit,  hut  offence.  And  leltv 
■'  at 

t  Thefe  words  were  made  ufe  of,  upon   a   different  occaf.on,  by 
Mr.  Flood,  the  biightell  oinaitent  of  the  Inflv  Parliament. 


"itfi  j»t'uii'"jj.,''*r:!'L"  T 


fupinenefs  flie  will 
\  it.     She  is  accuf- 
^here  heretofore  Ihe 
Dccome  acquifition. 
ity   power,  nor  her 
of  its   inhabitants, 
)n,    while  fhe  finds 
us,  if  pofllble,  flill 
d  force,  we  may  en- 
■ficans  never   tailed 
has  only  prtvimei 
,    and  will    receive 
ericans  will  be  dt- 
)ffeffed  many  years* 
;   violent  change,  a 
eafures  w/'/f,  whofe 
k'hofe  failure  is  ruin? 
ftiould  govern  free 
firm  eftablifliment, 
her  right  hand,  and 
/hich  murt  heal  pub- 
he  weight  of  a  tot- 
en  the   diftreffes  of 
{  a  grateful   people, 
ice,  that   the   fword 
It  the  characters  of 
Is  of  the  Americans, 
hers.     What  Ihall  I 
(liticy  that  we  (hould 
hem  ;  that  th«)r  are 
ley  ever  fo  politic. 

ledicate  to  the  great- 
)rinces.  Iftheycar- 
nfequences  naturally 
jricans  to  tax  them- 
;  Britifti  Parliament^ 
juftice  and  their  li- 
ately,  repealing  every 
fe  that  it  (houla  con- 
ver  (hould,  in  termsy 
ley  be  repealed,  and 
buried  in  oblivion  ;  let 
,  as  belonging  to  nei- 
murderer,  in  the  Gre- 
ns  unfit  to  be  handled  ; 
it  offence.      And  leftir 


different  occafion,  by 
I  Parliament. 


iMl|»i,iw;i.  i-'flij.'^j 


y,.^,jj|^.|jl»Wi|l    llfl^  »"»«-■ 


[      -5      ] 

at  any  time  hereafter,  it  may  be  difputcd  where  the  line  is  drawn, 
bctwt-en   American   liberty   and  Briiilh  jurifdiaion,    perh:ipsit 
niie'n  not  be  improper  to  declare,  in  the  fame  law,  the  fuprema- 
cy  of  Britain,  and  its  abfolute  dominion  over  navigation  and  com- 
merce.    Can  we  aOcrt  the  dependency  of  the  Colonifts,  in  ttron- 
jjer  terms  than  thofe  of  Mr.  Otis,  a   Gentleman  who  is  certainly 
well  informed  of  their  fentiments,  and  who  has  probably  a  con- 
fiderabic  Ihure  in  forming  them,  "  That  the  Parliament  of  Great- 
"  Britain  has  undoubted  power,  and   lawful   authority,  to  make 
•'  ads  for  the  general  good,  which  by  naming  the  Colonies,  Ihall, 
«'  and  ouoht  to  be  equally  binding,  as  upon  the  fubjedsof  Grcat- 
"   Britain  within  the  realm."     Should  the  Colonills  complain,  that 
if  this  power  be  referved,  they  have  not  the  fame   degree   of  free- 
dom, or  all  the  privileges  that  are  pofleffed  by  their   Britilh   Bre- 
thren, I  iliall  readily  confefs  that  they  have   not :    but  it  was  not 
intended,  by  their  original  compad,  that  they  (hould.     If  Britam 
does  not  refcrvc  to  herfclf  an  abfolute  authority,  over  the  trade  ot 
her  Colonies,  not  one   of  the  ends  will   be   anfwered,  for  which 
thofc  Colonies  were  planted  :  they  will  not  be  fubferv'ient  to   the 
commerce  of  their  mother-country ;  they  will  rival  and  deftroy  it. 
And  furely  we  Ihall  not  be  deemed  enemies  of  their   freedom,    in 
adopting  the  fentiments  ot  its  able  and  interefted   defender.     The 
power  of  regulating  their  commerce,  and  the  right  of  prohibition, 
have  indeed  a  mollextenfive  dominion,  over  the  wealth  and  proi- 
pcrity  of  America;  and  thofe  demands  mull  be  exorbitant,  indeed, 
which  can  be  refufed  to  an  affembly  pofleffed  ot  io  mighty  a  prero- 
gative.    But  there  is  a  material  difference,  between   Hopping   the 
acquifition   of  riches,  and  the  taking  away   what  is  alreadytac- 
quircd.     They  have  all  but  a  bitter  alternative  ;  but  bitter  as  i  is, 
Ihey  hd'veanalternati've,  fays  Mr.  Otis,  in  the  true  fpirit  of  liberty, 
"  1  had  rather  fee  this  (right  ofprohibitiun)  carried   with  a    high 
••  hand,  to  the  utmoft   rigour,  than  have  a  tax  of  one  flulling, 
««  taken  from  me,  without  my  confent." 

It   is  fo  much  the   intereft  of  Britain,  to  promote  the  com- 
mercial welfare  of  her  Colonies,  that  ihey  may  torm  a  reafonable 
expectation,  that  thefe  intereils  are  falely  dcpofitcd.     But  on  tins 
{elf-intereft,  on  the  wifdom  and  equity  of  the  Britilh   legiflatuic, 
and  on  the  conciliating  moderation  of  their   own   condud,  much, 
very  much,  of  their  profperity  will  depend.     Of  this  moderation 
we  have  as  yet  made  no  trial.     When  we  defifted  from  aaual  op- 
preffion,    we  laid   its  future  foundations,  and  the  repeal   of  tne 
Stamp- Aa,  was  attended  with  the  llrongeft  affertions,  of  our  right 
of  taxation  ;  affertions  which  an  upright  admiiulbation  never   in- 
tended to  carry  into  experiment,  but  an  unhappy    compliment, 
which  wifdom  and  virtue  paid  to  the  tempoiization  and  prejudice. 
]f  impreffed  with  a    eonvidion  of  their   freedom,  the    Americans 
haveafenfeofinjurv,  let  not   Britons   rcfent  the  kntimcnts  they 
h.ivc  communicated'.     Let  as  maturely  conlidcr  whether  we   our- 

<J  Iclvcf! 


Ill   I  liiii  iirrnniiirtrtii"- 


•  OUII 


[      i6     1 

elves  were  not  the  aggreffors.  If  force  is  juftifiablc  in  dertroying 
thofe  rights,  which  are  derived  from  time,  from  compaft,  and 
from  nature ;  what  is  not  juftifiable  for  their  maintainance  and  fup- 
port?  If  the  caufc  of  the  Americans  be  juft,  their  firmnefs  is  virtue. 


H 


N       D. 


r    /: 


ifiablc  in  deIlroyinj» 
from  compaft,  and 
laintainancc  and  fup- 
leirfirmnefs  is  virtue. 


r     D, 


'f 


y 


